FDRs Republicans: Domestic Political Realignment and American Foreign Policy

Editorial Reviews. Review. By analyzing the milieu of factors influencing the Republican Party FDR's Republicans: Domestic Political Realignment and American Foreign Policy - Kindle edition by Robert E. Jenner. This excellent study reminds us of both the primacy of domestic politics in the formation of foreign affairs.
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But by , Webb lacked a constituency, and he was out of place among the politicians seeking the Democratic presidential nomination, which included one lifelong socialist Bernie Sanders and two candidates who had been raised as Republicans Hillary Clinton and, briefly, Lincoln Chafee. On the Republican side, the exemplary living fossil was Jeb Bush. Like his brother, Jeb pushed a neo-Reaganite synthesis of support for a hawkish foreign policy, social conservatism, and cuts in middle-class entitlements to finance further tax cuts for the rich.

In March of this year, a Pew Research Center poll showed that 68 percent of Republicans and Republican-leaning voters opposed future reductions in Social Security benefits — almost the same amount of support found among Democrats and Dem-leaning voters 73 percent. Republicans who supported Trump were even more opposed to Social Security benefit cuts, at 73 percent. And even among those who supported Kasich, 62 percent opposed cuts in Social Security benefits — even though Kasich, himself, is in favor of cutting entitlements.

Party Realignment And The New Deal

Not increase the age and leave it as is. If Trump is defeated, what is left of the GOP establishment might try to effect a restoration of the old economic dogma of free trade, mass immigration and entitlement cuts. Why is this all happening now? Most culture-war conflicts involve sexuality, gender, or reproduction for example, abortion, contraception, LGBT rights, and same-sex marriage. The centrality of culture-war issues in national politics from the s to the present allowed both major parties to contain factions with incompatible economic views.

For a generation, the Democratic Party has included both free traders and protectionists — but support for abortion rights and, more recently, gay rights have been litmus tests for Democratic politicians with national ambitions.

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Conversely, Republicans have been allowed to disagree about trade and immigration, but all Republican presidential candidates have had to pay lip service to repealing Roe v. Wade and outlawing abortion. Social issues spurred a partisan realignment by changing who considered themselves Democrats and Republicans. Over decades, socially conservative working-class whites migrated from the Democratic Party to join the Republican Party, especially in the South. Socially moderate Republicans, especially on the East Coast, shifted to the Democratic coalition.

Liberal Republicans are as rare as Reagan Democrats.

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In its absence, we are able to see a transformed political landscape. But while there is overlap between nationalists and racists, the two are not the same thing. Nationalism is different than white nationalism, and a populist American nationalism untainted by vestiges of racial bigotry might have transracial appeal, like versions of national populism in Latin America. The rise of populist nationalism on the right is paralleled by the rise of multicultural globalism on the center-left.


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For multicultural globalists, national boundaries are increasingly obsolete and perhaps even immoral. According to the emerging progressive orthodoxy, the identities that count are subnational race, gender, orientation and supranational citizenship of the world. This difference in worldviews maps neatly into differences in policy. Nationalists support immigration and trade deals only if they improve the living standards of citizens of the nation.


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For the new, globally minded progressives, the mere well-being of American workers is not a good enough reason to oppose immigration or trade liberalization. The disagreements within both parties on trade is a living example of the inchoate policy realignment. Every major Republican presidential candidate supported free-trade agreements — with the sole and major exception of Donald Trump, the presumptive nominee, who routinely slams free-trade deals and has called for the reintroduction of certain tariffs on foreign goods.

Likewise, the current opposition of many Democratic politicians to free-trade agreements like the Trans-Pacific Partnership reflects the residual influence of declining manufacturing unions within the party According to a March study by the Pew Research Center , by a margin of 56 percent to 38 percent, Democratic voters believe that free-trade agreements have been good for the U.

Republicans and Pre–World War II Foreign Policy | Diplomatic History | Oxford Academic

Among Republicans, those numbers are almost reversed: Among younger Americans, who tend to prefer Democrats to Republicans, support for free trade is high: Even progressives who campaign against trade deals feel obliged by the logic of ethical cosmopolitanism to justify their opposition in the name of the labor rights of foreign workers or the good of the global environment. The outlines of the two-party system of the s and s are dimly visible. The Republicans will be a party of mostly working-class whites, based in the South and West and suburbs and exurbs everywhere. They will favor universal, contributory social insurance systems that benefit them and their families and reward work effort—programs like Social Security and Medicare.

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